While I recently ran through the top Senate races of 2020 and the parties’ prospects, I did not include Kansas on the list.
That omission — an intentional one — brought plenty of reaction, so I thought I’d explain why Kansas is not now on my list of general election contests to watch and what would need to happen before it is.
A LITTLE BACKGROUND
The last Democratic presidential nominee to carry Kansas was Lyndon Johnson (against Barry Goldwater) in 1964. The last Democrat to win a Senate race in Kansas was George McGill, who squeezed out a win in a 1930 special election and was narrowly elected to a full term two years later.
Since the end of World War II, the state has had only one very tight Senate race, in the Watergate election year of 1974, when Republican incumbent Bob Dole eked out a 50.9% to 49.1% victory over Democratic Rep. William Roy.
Six years ago, Republican Sen. Pat Roberts, who is not seeking reelection this year, was in a surprisingly tight race with businessman Greg Orman, an independent. National GOP strategists were worried about Roberts’ campaign and prospects, but they dragged him across the finish line with what turned out to be a comfortable 10.6-point victory margin.
Kansas, then, is reliably Republican in statewide federal races, except in the most unusual circumstances. But it can be competitive in gubernatorial contests. The sitting governor, Laura Kelly, is a Democrat, as were Govs. Kathleen Sebelius (2003-2009), Joan Finney (1991-1995), John Carlin (1979-1987) and Robert Docking (1967-1975).
This tendency to be a one-party state in statewide federal races but electorally competitive in races for governor is not unique to Kansas. We have seen it recently in Maryland, Rhode Island, Massachusetts, Oklahoma, Wyoming and Hawaii.
Voters will send someone from the state’s minority party to Annapolis, Providence, Oklahoma City or Cheyenne to work on local problems, but not to Washington, D.C., where hot-button, ideological issues often define national politics and where it’s difficult to keep an eye on the state’s elected officials.
GOP CIVIL WAR
The Kansas Republican Party has included both moderates, such as Sens. James Pearson and Nancy Landon Kassebaum, and conservatives for many decades. But a full-scale war between social conservatives and moderates erupted in the mid-1990s.
In May 1996, after Dole resigned his seat to run for president, moderate GOP Gov. Bill Graves appointed his lieutenant governor, Sheila Frahm, an abortion rights supporter, to fill the seat. She immediately drew an August primary challenge from Rep. Sam Brownback, an uncompromising social conservative who quickly attracted the backing of national “movement conservatives.” Kassebaum and Graves endorsed Frahm.
Meanwhile in Brownback’s open 2nd District seat based in Topeka, Christian conservative and Olympian runner Jim Ryun faced two moderates who backed abortion rights, one of whom was the mayor of Topeka. All three hopefuls portrayed the Republican primary as a fundamental choice for GOP voters.
In the neighboring 3rd District based in Kansas City, pragmatic Rep. Jan Meyers’ retirement produced a primary bloodbath between conservative state legislator Vince Snowbarger and the moderate, abortion rights-supporting mayor of Overland Park, Ed Eilert, who was endorsed by both Meyers and Kassebaum.
KANSAS TURNED to the right during the August 1996 primary, and in November elected Brownback, Ryun and Snowbarger. The war was on.
