Take me back, take me way, way, way back
Van Morrison, On Hyndford Street
January 1949. Republican Frank Carlson is sworn in as Governor for a second, two-year term, a seemingly ordinary event, given the GOPs general dominance of Kansas politics.
Who could have predicted that Republicans and Democrats would alternate in power for the next 70-plus years, with neither party controlling the governorship for more than eight consecutive years? Thats right, the dominant Republican party has not held this office for more than eight straight years since 1949.
Lets be clear, this does not mean that Kansas has ever been a two-party state. We havent voted for a Democratic presidential candidate since the LBJ landslide of 1964 nor a Democratic senator since the FDR landslide of 1932. Still, every eight (sometimes four) years Kansans have consistently, and remarkably, switched their partisan horses, opting for the outs over the ins.
This alternation in power stands as a noteworthy historical quirk, but its far more than that. Kansas voters, while reliably Republican for most offices, have proven fully capable of steering a moderate course when governing the state is at stake. This pattern can tell us a lot about Kansas politics, past and present.
Most notably, Kansans hold their governors accountable, for both their style and substance. So, why?
First, Kansas is a small state in political terms. Of course, it covers a substantial geographic area, but politically the state is like a small town. We tend to think of our governors in personal terms Kathleen and Sam, for example and in 2018 the candidates quickly became Laura and Kris.
Second, Kansas voters view policies generated under the capitol dome as the governors responsibility, even if legislators drive the process. All governors understand that when they sign a bill into law, the legislation becomes their responsibility, even if they failed to support that version. Governor Sam Brownbacks tax cut reductions didnt completely reflect his preferences, but he had to embrace the bill presented to him.
Moreover, governors often face attacks for things that go undone, as challengers make them campaign issues. John Carlin forged a winning issue from utility costs, while Joan Finney took advantage of issues left over from Governor Mike Haydens actions on property tax classification.
This years gubernatorial election powerfully demonstrated Kansans willingness even desire to give the outs a chance to govern. With Kris Kobach largely endorsing the unpopular Brownback tax cuts, Democrat Laura Kelly could campaign as the anti-Brownback/anti-Kobach/anti-far right Republican candidate. Her low-key style, based on fourteen years in the Kansas senate and an emphasis on bipartisan cooperation, provided a distinct alternative to Kobachs scorched-earth approach.
Nevertheless, partisan alteration in power scarcely guarantees smooth sailing for any new governor. Governor Hayden, who ultimately succeeded in winning major legislative battles, took two years to figure out how best to work with a moderate Republican/Democratic legislature. Governor Finney never figured it out, as lawmakers overrode dozens of her vetoes.
This years alternation in power is distinct, however, in that Governor Kelly must contend with the failed results of the Brownback years, not just on tax policies, where considerable progress has occurred since 2016, but in re-building the infrastructure and personnel base of Kansas government.
The past eight years have witnessed the degradation of governance and have increased its partisanship. Governor Kelly and the Republican legislature must find a way to reestablish faith in government. We should fervently root for their success in this critical task, one that past chief executives did not need to address as they came into office.
