In choosing South Dakota’s John Thune as their new leader, Senate Republicans appear to have recognized a crucial truth: It is in their party’s interest to be led by a Donald Trump supporter but not a sycophant. The fate of Trump’s second term hinges in no small part on whether Thune proves to have at least as much fortitude as the man he’s succeeding.
In his years as majority leader, Mitch McConnell reliably supported Trump’s agenda, yet he wasn’t a lap dog. He understood that the U.S. system of checks and balances requires Congress to be independent of the executive branch. At important moments, McConnell led the Senate in breaking with Trump, including by sanctioning Russia for election interference over Trump’s objections, rebuking Trump’s “precipitous withdrawal” of troops from Syria and Afghanistan, refusing his entreaties to scrap the filibuster or “postpone” Election Day, condemning the Jan. 6 riot, and, during Trump’s last month in office, overriding his veto of a defense bill.
For these and other displays of independence, McConnell was subject to withering attacks from Trump, but he became adept at holding his ground without trading insults. That skill is one his successor will need to emulate.
Thune, like McConnell, is a proponent of free trade and a supporter of Ukraine’s effort to defend itself against Russia’s invasion. Like McConnell, Thune accepted the results of the 2020 election and didn’t join the many congressional Republicans who attempted to block the certification of electoral votes. He also shares McConnell’s commitment to the filibuster.
As Trump reenters the White House, Thune’s job won’t be easy. His first test will be considering Trump’s nominees for the cabinet and other high-ranking positions. Some will be qualified and should be confirmed quickly. Others will require rather more scrutiny. And some, as is already clear, will be completely unfit and should be rejected.
Whoever the nominees are, Thune should ignore Trump’s demand that the Senate bypass the usual nomination process. Under the Constitution, the president may appoint officials without confirmation while the Senate is in recess, and those nominees can serve out the remainder of the congressional session.
Thune shouldn’t let Trump abuse the power. As Alexander Hamilton wrote in Federalist No. 76, Senate confirmation is “an excellent check upon a spirit of favoritism in the President, and would tend greatly to prevent the appointment of unfit characters.” (See Trump’s plan to appoint now-former Representative Matt Gaetz as attorney general.)
Trump aside, Thune has an opportunity to advance prudent legislation. With thin majorities in both the House and Senate, Republicans will need to have moderates (or Democrats) on board to enact much of an agenda. Any deals they make — including over government funding, a new farm bill or a debt-ceiling extension — should prioritize economic growth while recognizing that the days of limitless government spending need to come to an end.
Responding to Trump is a challenge for anyone in government, but the position of majority leader is especially influential. In defending the Senate’s independence and norms, McConnell has sometimes buckled, but he leaves office with the Constitution intact. For Thune to one day say the same, he’ll need to follow his predecessor’s lead.
